Low Intensity Operations: The Reesian Theory of War
by M. Minnicino
from the April 1974 edition of The
Campaigner (9 MB PDF image file)
Page numbers of source included to facilitate verification
With the discovery and extensive deprogramming of Christopher White during the first week of this year, the Labor Committees picked up the threads of a conspiracy against the working class, led by the Rockefeller faction of international capital and using the techniques developed by Dr. John Rawlings Rees of the Tavistock Clinic in Britain. Since that time, the Labor Committees internationally have been primarily engaged in exposing the capabilities and extent of this network, and in building the working-class forces necessary for its systematic destruction. To refuse to completely neutralize this network, which is in this period the conspiratorial vanguard of capitalist fighting forces, is to ensure the final defeat of the working class.
This network is designed, fundamentally, to maintain class rule, to whatever level of viciousness demanded by capitalist economic necessity, by means of mass persuasive techniques capable of the irreversible destruction of the creativity of the working class and the re-shaping of workers' behavior into the appropriate machine-like patterns, without the development of new ideological forms such as fascism. Since the 1930's, John Rees and the small circle of psychiatrists around him, with Rockefeller money, had consciously developed that capability, and, by 1946, had sold, literally, that capability and the growing network to implement it to the Rockefeller faction of American capital.
The Tavistock network and the Reesian method - that the class war should be waged with "weapons [that] affect morale more than they take life''  - has become, in the post-war period, the primary "weapons system'' of the Rockefeller forces, including their own covert arm, the Central Intelligence Agency. With the recognition of the beginning of a capitalist breakdown cycle, the Rockefeller-CIA faction has mobilized the Rees network along with all its other forces to implement rates of accumulation, at least on the order of those implemented by Nazi Finance Minister Hjalmar Schacht, globally, under direct military rule.
That is the capitalist economic necessity. There will be no ideological cover like Hitlerism to soften the horrors of direct military takeover in the advanced capitalist sector, for it is believed that if the psychological onslaught that Rees has prescribed is successful, then none will be necessary. It is in part for this reason, that the
Rockefeller-CIA and the Rees network have spent over thirty years completely re-shaping capitalist armies to make them capable of such naked rule, knowing that it is, finally, "the armed body of men'' upon which class rule depends, and realizing that someday such armies would have to exercise their true function openly.
The Rockefeller forces, because they have made the Reesian method and network the major portion of their arsenal, must now be fully committed to that method and network if they are to survive in much the same way a section of German capital had to move (with the unpleasant contingency of Hitlerism) if it was to obtain necessary economic measures proposed by the former Weimar banker Schacht.
Unlike Hitlerism, Reesian methods rely, completely and consciously, on the destruction of the mental life of world society and a forced march into universal sadism. And from this, there can be no further contingency.
Our purpose here is to expose the development of the Russian method, the formation of the Tavistock network and its takeover of the British armed forces. The compile deployment of the Tavistock network, and the story of the full utilization of it by the Rockefeller forces and their CIA is demonstrated elsewhere.  Since the war, the British military, under the direction of the Tavistock network and the CIA, have been in the forefront of refining the Reesian theory of war, for years known as "counter-insurgency" and are now using those refinements to bring fascist military rule to England. As we shall show, under Rees counter-insurgency became not a fight against ''insurgents,'' but a testing ground for new forms of institutionalized psychological control at the behest of the Rockefellers. The most advanced of these forms, now known by the more appropriate, more positive title, "low intensity operation," is now being brought home to Western Europe and North America.
II. THE SHAPING OF JOHN REES
The genesis of John Rees' ideas and his motivation for building the Tavistock network was, like Hitler's, not profound. It would be an injustice to even say that such ideas sprang from some perversion of the science of psychology, in spite of the fact that Rees would use the psychological profession to build his conspiracy. Rees' sociology never transcended the gutter variety peddled by the turn-of-the-century academic apologists for British imperialism, who had gained a short period of hegemony at universities like Cambridge where Rees had studied. These men had sought to justify English colonialism with weird mixtures of scientific fact and inane eighteenth-century stereotype, claiming, in short, that it was "genetically" necessary that sturdy English stock rule
over the congenitally helpless, darker races. Such theories, like eugenics, and the other so-called "race sciences," had dropped out of academic prominence by the 1930's, but were kept alive, somewhat artificially, by the Nazi theoreticians and the numerous ruling class sympathizers of the British fascist, Sir Oswald Moseley.
In 1945, in the fullest single statement of his world view presented in his book, The Shaping of Psychiatry By War, Rees indicates that he had not dropped this pseudo-scientific racialism to which he had been exposed. Rather, he had made it fundamental. Society, states Rees in 1945, is composed of layers, starting at the bottom with a "psychopathological tenth" of the population which is "constitutionally inferior," with the rest of the layers differentiated functionally by increasing levels of talent and lack of neurosis. This bottom, neurotic tenth is made up of what Rees calls, simply, "dullards," and includes, unfortunately, a large percentage of the "colored" population. 
"Aldous Huxley in his book The Brave New World was planning to produce a section of subnormal men who would do the dull jobs of the community: we really don't need to produce them for there are too many already." 
Obviously, such beliefs had nothing to do with the psychiatric methods that Rees would study after his service as a medical officer in the First World War. Our problem is that Rees used his understanding of psychiatric methods to formulated and implement an action program based upon such beliefs. The task of psychiatry, if it is to be practical for Rees, is the "proper allocation of skills." Psychiatrists, he suggests, are capable of determining the neurotic "map of each national sector, and, based on this study, can set up a "filtering" mechanism to select out the various neurotic types and place them in their appropriate skill.
With such selection-techniques, dullards, who are only frustrated because of their consistent failure, can be channelled into simple tasks and the happy fellowship of other dullards. Those who are capable of the highest intellectual functions will be allowed to do so unencumbered with inferior types - a truly happy mental life for society.
It should be noted that even Ree's broad psycho-social theories were not terribly new. Since the pre-World War I period, capitalists, particularly the Americans, had understood that if more profit was to be had from the new modes of production of the Twentieth Century, then progressive reforms which capital could then afford had to be used to upgrade the standard of living of the working class. However, it was quickly realized that the promise of such reforms could easily let loose revolutionary potential within the working class, and, therefore, such initiatives would have to be tightly controlled.
The Rockefellers and the Fords, particularly, became masters at the controlled development of the "new" working class, mobilizing and funding a number of scientific initiatives for their purposes. This process was not unknown to many Marxist theorists of the period. The Italian Communist Antonio Gramsci, reflecting on the ravages against the American worker caused by the methods of one of these Ford and Rockefeller-funded "scientists," the speed-up specialist Frederick Taylor, claimed that the very purpose of American society had become:
developing in the worker to the highest degree automatic mechanical attitudes, breaking up the old psycho-physical nexus of qualified professional work, which demands a certain active participation of intelligence, fantasy, and initiative on the part of the worker, and reducing productive operations exclusively to the mechanical, physical aspect. But these things, in reality, are not original nor novel: they represent simply the most recent phase of a long process which began with industrialism itself. This phase is more intense than preceding phases, and manifests itself in more brutal forms . . . A forced selection will ineluctably take place; a part of the old working class will be pitilessly eliminated from the world of labor, and perhaps from the world. [Emphasis added] 
It has been demonstrated elsewhere that the Rockefeller family took the lead in fostering the growth of such selection procedures, particularly in the so-called child guidance, and industrial health movements. There must have been a fairly deep collaboration between Rees and the Rockefeller Foundation in this area by the 1930's.  What Rees developed over and above the other scientific collaborators of Rockefeller was the logical organizational correlative of his bestialized, psychological practice.
"If we propose to come out into the open," he said to a group of U.S. Army psychiatrists in 1945, "and to attack the social and national problems of our day, then we must have shock troops and these cannot be provided by psychiatry based wholly in institutions. We must have mobile teams of psychiatrists who are free to move around and make contacts with the local situation in their particular area.'' 
Rees' logic is tortured but clear. For true mental health, there must be a complete transformation of society along the lines of rational selection. Unfortunately, many don't see reality this way, including most workers who believe that "any method of selection is a mechanism by which the wicked capitalist aims to get more work out of the worker, and that argument dies hard.''  In the Reesian world-view, such nay-sayers, along with anyone who engages in "strikes" or "subversive activity," are themselves neurotic, desperately in
need of treatment, but unfortunately unable to see that they are ill. In such a world of unwitting neurotics, psychiatry, the only arbiter of sanity, can be exercised only by a cabal "in every country, groups of psychiatrists, linked to each other'' prepared to muster all their weapons and influence for a move "into the political and governmental field."
Only a conspiracy of psychiatrists - as Rees meant when he spoke of his "mission" - could build a society "where it is possible for people of every social group to have treatment when they need it, even when they do not wish it, without the necessity to invoke the law [emphasis added].''  The construction of that cabal became what Rees himself would call his lifelong "mission."
It should thus be clear that Rees' view of psychiatry is itself essentially uninvolved with actual psychiatric method of therapy. The Reesian world-view is in fact no different from that of the psychopathological bourgeois desperately in need of a magical "handle" with which to manipulate the terrifying forces of the outside world. Rees' not-so-fundamental discovery was, crudely put, that psychiatric methods could be reversed, to the effect that techniques used to liberate the mind from the parasite of psychosis could be used to induce controllable forms of neurotic or psychotic behavior. 
The history of the Tavistock network details Rees' overwhelming need to manipulate. Even before Rees had fully articulated conspiratorial theory, the evidence of his neurosis is rich. In the early 1930's, he flexed his growing powers in psychological manipulation to obtain his first coup, the directorship of the Tavistock Clinic. Hugh Critchton-Miller, the founder of the Tavistock Clinic in 1921, and the doctor who taught the young Rees psychiatry, had, by 1931, become too resistant to Rees' ideas about "practical" psychiatry. In retaliation Rees started a rumor campaign throughout the younger doctors at the clinic about Critchton-Miller's methods until the staff was calling Critchton-Miller a "butcher" to his face. In 1932, the older doctor had a breakdown and was unanimously replaced as Medical Director by John Rees.
To cement his hold over the Clinic in preparation for the changes he would make, Rees introduced "collectivism," demanding that publications by staff members had to be collectively approved, and, at one point, that the physicians actually pool their salaries. This from a man who readily stated that his view of socialism had not changed appreciably since his service as the chief medical officer for the British Army anti-Bolshevik expedition to Baku after the First World War!
By the second half of the 1930's, Rees had put such vicious parlor games on a rigorous basis. While we in-tend to explore Russian psywar theories in depth in the final section, it will be necessary to outline Rees' tech-
niques here to prelude the discussion of his wartime abilities. As one of Rees' collaborators slyly put it: "If J.R. Rees was not a giant in original contribution ... he was certainly a man keenly and generously interested in applying the results of other peoples' work."  Under Rees, the Tavistock Clinic pioneered work in abreaction theory using electroconvulsive shock and barbiturates. Clinical evidence from the deprogramming of Chris White indicated that the reversal of abreaction - the use of shock, hypnosis, and drugs to induce new, perhaps traumatic, memories - is the technique needed to perform a first-class "Pavlovian'' brainwashing job. Rees' praise for abreactive techniques remained boundless, and he later referred to abreaction with shock as being as effective as "psychosurgery."
This would also suggest why Rees recruited the young Eric Trist to Tavistock and quickly catapulted him into the highest echelons of that institution. Trist, presently head of the Tavistock operation on the East Coast of the U.S., was picked up by Rees in 1940 while the former was researching drug and hypnosis-induced abreaction at an English hospital as a Rockefeller Foundation Medical Fellow.
The other work that "keenly and generously interested'' Rees was the, then new, developments in group therapy. It is clear that Rees exploited the work of W.R. Bion, whom Rees brought to Tavistock to personally supervise the group sessions that Rees made mandatory for the staff, for all its potential for manipulation.
As a specialist in family welfare for the British government in the 1920's and 1930's, Rees had understood that the family was the most powerful psycho-active agent this side of electroshock. Indeed, in the so-called Rockefeller Memorandum of 1946 in which Rees offered the Tavistock network to Rockefeller as his psywar brain- trust, Rees' sales pitch revolves around the claim that the network was able to determine "the relations of domestic and nursery culture to later political and economic behaviour on a large scale.''  Bion's "therapeutic groups" provided the opportunity to tap tile power of the family.
A skilled group leader (even in the so-called "leaderless'' variety) can use the group to create a powerful, albeit artificial, "family'' environment. Once this environment is induced, it is possible for the therapist, for example, to manipulate a member of the group, not by a direct attack, but by subtly manipulating (with "suggestions," perhaps) the other members of the group. lf the victim has been sucked into thinking of the group as something warm and helpful (motherly), then when a environment has been manipulated to turn against him, it will tend to have the impact of deep motherly rejection. Furthermore, if the victim is not completely aware of the
therapists' chain of manipulations, he will tend to internalize their result, thinking that he himself is responsible for this new awareness about himself.
As we shall demonstrate later, the essence of Reesian psywar techniques on a mass scale is to rely upon the selective manipulation of key factors in the environment, such that the individual tends to believe that the "whole world is falling apart'' and there is only himself to blame. It will suffice for now to note that Rees understood through his group work that manipulation based upon bourgeois conception of the outside world as magical (what Marcus identified as "mother's fears'' ) was fundamental to mass control.
It should be noted, collaterally, that Rees deeply cultivated his image as a warm, plump, smiling mother (as all of his devoted biographers portray him), especially in the mandatory group situations. Rees' incessant use of these techniques at all levels may explain the savage "team spirit"' (not unlike the present CIA's) of Rees' Tavistock collaborators. In any case, it is confirmed that Tavistock used these group techniques as the basis for their work against industrial workers. (See Freeman article next issue.)
By 1938, Rees began to build his cabal in earnest, realizing that England was being put on a military footing and that the "army and the other fighting services form rather unique experimental groups since they are complete communities, and it is possible to arrange experiments in a way that would be very difficult in civilian life."  To seriously test its ideas in social control, Rees proposed, Tavistock would simply have to take over the British Army. Rees' successful attempt at this takeover was so methodical that it is reproduceable in schematic form (see Chart A).
Rees used his connections with certain foremost sound men of finance'' whom he had studiously flattered with Honorary Treasurerships at Tavistock, to obtain the position of Consulting Psychiatrist to the Army at Home in 1938, itself a somewhat honorific position with the Army Medical College carrying little power. "It was no good being based in the Army Medical College," notes Rees. "I had to be in the War Office itself, where I could have readier access to key people and to the Adjutant-General's department, which was concerned with man power and the other branches of the central organization.''  How Rees gained entrance to the Adjutant-Generalcy is illustrative of his scientific method. Knowing from the honorary Chairman of the Tavistock Council, Lord Alness, then Emergency Regional Commissioner for Scotland, that a certain Sir Ronald Adam was soon to be posted as Adjutant-General, Rees had a close Tavistock associate, G.R. Hargreaves, bone up on military history sufficient for bantering with the stodgy Adam. The impressed General Adam was then
persuaded to take Hargreaves on as his Command Psychiatrist. Rees used his new leverage to have Adam create the Directorate of Army Psychiatry, which Rees ran through a transparent front man, Hugh Sandiford, an old army buddy of Rees.
With one foot in the British General Staff, Rees began recruiting the hand-picked, first squad of his cabal from around the Commonwealth. Rees demanded that "the team" meet regularly for informal sessions at which Rees and Bion were usually present. In characteristic Tavistock cover-story style, a member of the "invisible college'' - as Rees dubbed the team - described the course of the sessions:
It was remarkable how, without my design, our interest seemed to shift from reporting on individual morbid conditions or cases to considering the larger problems of war and of human relations, and nature of hostility, the state of civilization . . .which were to be very much reflected in the philosophy, first of the army psychiatric service, and later on in our post-war planning and policies. [emphasis added] 
As our schematic shows, Rees deployed members of the "invisible college" as Command Psychiatrists to the Commanding Officers of every major British Army Unit. Rees relates with undisguised glee how his men overcame the "anxiety'' of commanders who suddenly found medical men assigned to their staffs and in charge of the morale of their men. "I have no difficulties,'' said a Corps General in Burma who the Reesians had "overcome." "If anything disturbing arises I send my psychiatrist down there and he puts it all right. He is one of the busiest men on my staff."  The "morale" work of the "college" was largely a cover for the initial work in the areas to which they were assigned on the national ideologies that Rees had demanded as a preliminary for competent world selection.
Throughout the war, Rees and his team pushed incessantly for selection techniques, and through his influence over General Adam and an increasing number of General officers he was largely successful. By 1942, Rees had induced the British General Staff and the War Office to begin an Experimental War Office Selection Board to screen a small number of officer candidates. While the Board was nominally run by Regular Army officers (both of whom, incidentally, began to go to "invisible college'' meetings), Tavistockers held firm control including Bion, a tank officer in the First War, J.D. Sutherland, and young "Rocky'' Trist.
By late that year, the Experimental Board became the Research and Training Centre as War Office Selection Boards proliferated throughout England and the rest of the Commonwealth. Almost all the boards included heavy Tavistock representation. By the end of the war,
most British officer candidates and many enlisted men had their psychological profiles noted by Reesian psychiatrists in the Boards.
In Canada. Rees' selection techniques were made universal under the Canadian Army Director of Personnel, Brigadier Brock Chisholm, a close personal friend of Rees. Chisholm, later to be the first Director-General of the UN's World Health Organization, was also the first to implement Rees' idea that infantry squads should be grouped by intelligence. Chisholm's and Rees' work in Canada was successful enough for Rees to later hope that "perhaps the Canadian reception centres stand out as the most interesting foretaste of what might be done in civilian life." 
Rees used every possibility to extend and deepen the hegemony of selection. As the war ground down after 1944, Rees began shifting personnel from the Selection Boards to another of his projects, the Civil Resettlement Scheme (sic). With the Resettlement Scheme, Rees began testing what he hoped selection might lead to. All English prisoners of war returning from liberated POW camps in Europe were ordered to volunteer for a short stay in centers staffed exclusively by Tavistockers before being discharged. In addition to having their psychological profiles typed, these men underwent Bion's group therapy, where suggestions were made as to where each should live and what line of work each should take up. Aftercare was provided to monitor if the suggestions were followed.  Rees planned to have the Scheme expanded to all returning army personnel under the aegis of the Ministry of Labour, but with the end of the war and the new Labour Party government, his influence waned - a lesson that Rees would not forget - and the program was scrapped.
Rees' British resettlement work, though mildly undemocratic, looks hardly ominous. The nature of Reesian selection and resettlement as a control function is more striking in Tavistock's work on the German ideology. Rees himself took up the German work in earnest in 1940, when he was invited to head the psychiatric examination of Rudolf Hess, Hitler's Deputy Fuehrer, for the British Secret Intelligence Service (MI6). Not without irony, Rees notes that his patient's ideology stemmed from his university study of the very race science and geo-political theories that had so shaped Rees himself. Hess, though definitely insane by this time, was dimly aware of his doctor's proclivities. The ghost writer of Hitler's theory book, Mein Kampf, Hess pleaded that Brigadier Rees was the only psychiatrist who understood him. 
The Special Operations Executive (SOE), the section of British intelligence in charge of clandestine operations, was sufficiently impressed with Rees' work that
there began after 1940 a close working relationship between the Tavistock crew and SOE H.V. Dicks, Rees' aide de camp at Tavistock and assistant on the Hess case, was seconded to the Directorate of Military Intelligence on a semi-permanent basis. It was through Dicks that Reesian methods of selection and of psychological warfare became hegemonic in the American Office of Strategic Services (OSS), and eventually in all Allied psychological warfare and intelligence planning bodies. (See Cuskie article, next issue.)
What is of importance is that Rees used Military Intelligence to further his selection techniques. Through SOE Rees had units called British Collecting Centres attached to German POW camps in Britain and Canada. Using the original work done on Hess, Dicks, who commanded the Centres, developed a set of psychiatric criteria to screen incoming prisoners. While the Centres did perform their nominal functions of gathering data to be later used in propaganda against German troops, Dicks' actual purpose was to test the control aspect of the selection criteria.  Dicks used his system to select out "weak ego'' types, who were then subjected to Bion- style group indoctrination. The best were parachuted back into Germany as agents of the SOE, the rest were used as informers and operators to maintain control of the rest of the POW's for the British.
The Collecting Centres were themselves only a test please for the work Military Intelligence would later perform at the Selection Center in Bad Oeyenhausen in the British Zone of Occupied Germany. Advised by Dicks and commanded by Col. Dick Rendal, a long-time member of the ''invisible college'' at Tavistock, the Selection Centre used "De-nazification'' as the cover to "pick non-Nazi future leaders and administrators among Germans.''  We must assume that by 1947, British Intelligence and its American counterpart had Reesian psychological profiles of most if not all potential political and trade union leaders of the post-war generation of Germans. What "shaping'' went on at the Centre and who the ''informants'' were is not yet known, but a major Labor Commit-tee research project has been launched in this area which, when the details are clear, should make for an interesting rewrite of German post-war history.
The question whether the Rees network controlled the British Army is, by 1945, to a certain extent immaterial. The subsuming features of the history of the Second World War were determined by the interplay of class forces, and this is brightly reflected in the manner in which the decisions of the Allied policy-makers were based overwhelmingly on their fear of the European and American working class, and the energizing effect that the Soviet Union might have on these workers. But it is equally undeniable that John Rees was seriously organiz-
ing a cabal to take over "the councils of those who are attempting to re-establish the world'' after the war.  Rees organized his cabal according to his public dictum: we are not large but well-placed.  That is, Rees had a rudimentary understanding of the organizing principle of "hegemony'' - organizing key individuals who will in turn spread ideas and influence. The way in which Rees took complete hegemony over the mental health profession after the war, without recruiting more than a handful of its many thousands of practitioners, is exemplary. We have also demonstrated, especially in the case of the army, how Rees was not bothered with scruples when he needed to capture a key individual. Indeed, he rather thrived on manipulation, and was not above actual clinical forms of psychosomatic "brainwashing.''
We know from Cuskie's work (next issue) that during the same period a similar cabal formation was beginning to coalesce around the Rockefeller faction of American capital and that faction's covert apparatus within the OSS. What that faction and its OSS turned into is now clear, as is the fact that they scrupulously used Rees' ideas almost as soon as they were expostulated. Bluntly, both the Rockefeller forces and the Rees network formulated plans during the war years to maximize their control of the world. The former saw these plans as a matter of capitalist necessity, and made ready to wage an unceasing economic war capable of enthralling Europe and the Third World to the post-war Dollar Empire. Rees, as we have shown, was motivated by a more vicious, neurotic ideological reflection of that capitalist necessity, and approached the coming battles from a slightly different angle.
"Fortunately,'' says Rees in 1945, "the concepts of a police war and of killing as an almost 'surgical' necessity have been accepted very much more widely than in earlier days." And later: "Wars are not won by killing one's opponents but by undermining or destroying his morale whilst maintaining one's own." 
While it is probable that the Rockefeller had a rudimentary understanding of psychological war which they inherited from their wily father John, their modern concept of it came from Rees by way of Tavistock's responsibility for training OSS and the Allied Psywar Division. In 1946, this relationship was formalized in the "Rockefeller Memorandum," in which Rees exposed the full depths of his cabal and offered it to the family. The Rockefeller Foundation, which had been heavily funding Tavistock and Tavistock members since 1934, readily accepted, and the Tavistock Clinic was transformed into the Tavistock Institute of Human Relations. After he accomplished a couple of purges at Tavistock to clear the way for the Institute, Rees, in classic espionage style, engineered a disagreement with the staff to have a pretext for resigning.
By 1948, Rees had developed a new cover story as president of the World Federation of Mental Health, a United Nations pressure group which he built upon the remains of an old Rockefeller front group, the International Committee for Mental Hygiene, and used it to travel around the world setting up covert operations for the Rockefellers and their CIA. 
It is possible for us to break off here the discussion of the formal development of the Rees network. Its hideous deployment at the hands of the Rockefellers and the
CIA in the subversion of the world labor movement is adequately handled elsewhere (see Cuskie, Freeman), as is the clinical brainwashing network which is its "medical'' corps.  We shall now confine ourselves to key points of development pf the Rees-Rockefeller theory of psychological control.
As we have noted, Rees realized that war and other crises easily provided him with both the leverage and the opportunity to test, and in some cases. implement his control mechanisms. Indeed, it was and is standard operating procedure at post-war Tavistock to send "flying squads'' to war-torn areas and disaster sites, in hopes of gleaning a little more knowledge of how people can be manipulated while under stress. This cohered quickly with the theory of the Rockefeller faction of the American policy-makers and their CIA. Wherever class forces made it feasible, they would attempt a military solution short of world war to stop the Soviet Union and "the spread of communism."
During the war, under the direct influence of Rees, these policy-makers were coming to understand that this military solution should be of a covert type if possible. (See Cuskie.) By the early post-war years, Rockefeller and the CIA understood that this covert ''unconventional'' or "counterinsurgency'' warfare need not be limited to countering communist "insurgency,'' but could be used positively to develop governments in complete thralldom to the CIA, especially if Reesian techniques were used.
In the post-war period, every major war and social crisis has been used by the Rockefeller-CIA to whatever extent possible, to refine and implement Reesian control methods. In the first twenty years after the war, the British led this thrust on behalf of American capital. They were placed in this position not only because of the deep infiltration and hegemony of Rees in British military and ruling circles, but also because the debt-service of their completely untenable colonial empire could not be lost to communism - especially as the whole island was already hopelessly in hock to the Americans. The Rees and CIA sympathizers within the military provided an acceptable solution. As we shall show, by the early 1960's the locus of the development of psywar control had shifted back to its ultimate target, the United States.
III. The Shaping of War By Psychiatry
As the current war against the working class in the Third World, particularly in Brazil, implies, Auschwitz as an economic concept has never really been discarded. In 1944, its utility as a means of accumulation was being debated much more hotly in Allied circles than among German capitalists and Nazis. The debate actually
provides us with evidence of the growing hegemony of Reesian methods among Rockefeller planners, and how those methods themselves were shaped by capitalist circumstances.
By that year the sides were beginning to form around the question of what would be done with the soon-to-be-defeated Germany. Henry Morgenthau, Jr., the voraciously anti-communist Secretary of the Treasury under FDR, was the first to articulate a position. The Morgenthau Plan, in outline, called for the expansion of the concentration camp system to include the whole country! Germany must be "pastoralized,'' he demanded - its industrial capacity in the Ruhr and Rhine regions must be either dismantled or internationalized under the aegis of the UN and German workers must be forced to work under starvation wages at light industry and agriculture.  Only in this way, Morgenthau reasoned, would the Allies-be able to stop the Soviet Union.
Germany, for Morgenthau, posed a two-fold problem: if Germany was allowed to re-grow into a mighty industrial power not only would she be in competition for the Dollar Empire, but she would also necessarily give rise to an equally mighty industrial proletariat and a concomitantly high potential for socialist revolution. The former meant that the Soviet Union might be able to break the Dollar stranglehold that Morgenthau hoped would keep the Russians in check, the latter's significance is obvious. Certain that no capitalist could disagree with such sentiments, Morgenthau convinced Roosevelt, and, through him, Churchill, of the efficacy of the plan.
By 1947, poor Henry found his plan discarded and himself in disgrace under a combined attack by the departments of War and State, the Supreme Head-
quarters of the Allied Expeditionary Forces (SHAEF), and the Rockefeller faction in the Legislature.  As we know from Marcus and Syvriotis , the Dollar Empire that Henry envisioned was built, and the German working class was devastated to the extent that Morgenthau had thought necessary, so much so that there would be no significant strike ability in Germany until well into the second half of the 1960's. While, admittedly, there was no quarrel with Morgenthau's anti- communism in capitalist circles, Henry's view that workers could only be beaten with crude, physical weapons was myopic, given the developments of the war.
The Rockefeller forces exacted the price for that myopia from Morgenthau.
As already notorious, the corporate men that Rockefeller and Mellon had seconded to the government as economic warfare specialists for the OSS and the Strategic Bombing Survey had scrupulously avoided the destruction of Germany's industrial capacity, in anxious anticipation of post-war looting. At the same time they
had made quite sure that the port facilities and transport network - that is, the food and materials supply system - of both the Axis and German-occupied countries was obliterated. It was clear that the purpose was to reduce the population, not the plants, to rubble.
A significant part of the decision to dump Morgenthau's plan was the understanding of enlightened capitalist planners that if this abject condition of a quarter of the world's workers was maintained and manipulated then their revolutionary potential might be broken in a few short years, and industrial capacity could be maintained. Not only did Rees have input into the monstrous bombing strategists through Kurt Lewin (see Richard Freeman's article in this issue), but Tavistock was also responsible for planning the psychological manipulations that the European workers were forced to endure.
The case of Germany is particularly telling. German workers who had for twelve years endured Nazi propaganda about the inferiority of Eastern Europeans, were treated to a barrage much more shrill than Goebbels. "The conditions of living of these United Nations nationals [Eastern European refugees] shall be raised to a standard as high as resources allow, without consideration of any adverse effect on the living conditions of the German people," (emphasis added), the German people were incessantly told. "Arrangements for alternate accomodations at the earliest possible moment, if necessary by transferring Germans from neighboring villages to the concentration camps, should be made.'' 
To exacerbate the terror, SHAEF took these refugees (most of them ex-slave laborers that Schacht's successors
had imported), supplied them with rot-gut liquor, and urged gangs of them to loot and murder Germans. When this phase was sufficiently embedded in workers' minds, the refugees themselves were herded back into camps by Occupation Forces, and told that they would be shot if they tried to escape. After these ex-slaves were sufficiently re-broken, they were allowed to trickle back into their homelands over the next ten years, though many, particularly the Poles, were sent to French and Belgian coal mines after they "willingly volunteered to work in order to eat." 
It was under these conditions that the strike wave that passed through Germany soon after the war - the last for many years - was broken. Also contributory to the upsurge's defeat was the Occupation Forces' manipulation of the food supply, such that workers' caloric intake dropped below the abysmal wartime levels. Generous estimates state that most European workers were receiving between 1000-2000 calories per day. In some cases, for instance, sections of Greece, an intake of only 600 calories (the sentence of death within a couple of weeks) was imposed.
After key sections of Europe had been reduced to this status, military control over food and the resettlement of refugees was handed over to the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA). Dangling food in front of desperate workers, UNRRA in some areas had more power than the military authorities, and was able to set wages and prices, settle strikes, and control the news media. Cabinet member Harriman gleefully described UNRRA as "one of the most effective weapons at our disposal to influence European political events in the direction we desire and to avoid the development of a
sphere of influence of the Soviet Union over Eastern Europe and the Balkans."  It is unnecessary that we go into UNRRA's replacement, in essence, by the Marshall Plan.
What is important to not is that the Rockefeller forces that pushed UNRRA, and later the Marshall Plan, had more than Harriman's simplistic notion of such programs. Much of UNRRA aid, for instance, was going to countries that had already been ceded to the Soviet Union at the Summit Conferences with Stalin, and "influence" in the form of good will could not have been the only goal. UNRRA's activities in the so-called "Iron Curtain" countries were, to a large extent, directed at gathering a psychological profile of those countries under stress. Every bit of contextual evidence suggests that wherever possible, UNRRA administrators manipulated food supplies to select areas not simply for "disciplinary" purposes, but to test stress factors as Rees had prescribed.
Rees himself only mentions in 1945, that perhaps UNRRA units were pre-eminently suited to gather psychiatric material on national ideologies for later use in both selection and psychological warfare.  But we are aware that he was in a position to do more than suggest. By that time Rees had already sent two Tavistockers on leave to the UNRRA psychological section. The UNRRA executive was itself advised by the Inter-Allied Study Group which Rees set up immediately after the war. The IASG was headed by Dicks, the ranking psychiatrist in British Intelligence, and Ed Shils, the top psywar specialist for the OSS and the OSS's liaison man with the SHAEF Psychological Warfare Division. Not coincidentally, Dicks was responsible for training Shils and the rest of SHAEF Psywar in Reesian methods during the war. 
That UNRRA was deeply involved in testing and implementing Reesian control techniques is illustrated readily by the case of Richard Hauser, UNRRA administrator in Italy in charge of Displaced Persons.
Hauser, though nominally unconnected with Rees and the Tavistock network, set up a unit in 1945 for ex-fascist army officers modeled precisely on the selection and resettlement camp that Rees had developed. Using Bion's "leaderless group" techniques, he was assigned to convince the ex-fascists that democracy was an inherently better system than fascism. He was so successful that by 1945, the officers were assigned to be "instructors in democracy" for the Italian Army and Civil Service!  For the incredulous, it might be noted, anecdotally, that one of Hauser's more recent pupils was the Kawaida hit-man, Ron Karenga, whom he trained at Saul Alinsky's Urban Training Center, where he is a visiting instructor.
With the experiences of the immediate post-war
period, the Reesian theory of war reached its mature form. In addition to being able to perform psychological profile experiments on a good part of the world - especially in the crucial Eastern Bloc, before those countries would be closed to clinicians such as Rees - the Tavistock network was able to make large-scale tests of deletion and resettlement methods of mass persuasion. Rees hoped it would never end. "The resettlement of the world and the constant flow of social problems will provide us with unlimited opportunities for attempting wiser direction [emphasis added].''  In fact, Rees helped the CIA continue to select agents out of the refugee camps until as late as 1959. 
In addition, the German occupation experiments under SHAEF and the UNRRA experience helped the Tavistock and CIA planners add a new weapon to their repertoire, food control. The weapon itself was not new. As a historian of the post-war period has noted, "Food bad proven to be a critical political weapon after World War I, and during the discussions leading to the formation of UNRRA the obvious utility of its serving the same function came up again.''  But it would take the Reesian psywar specialists in SHAEF and the OSS-CIA, who actually programmed the supply of food to exacerbate psychological tensions of European workers, to put food control on a rigorous basis.
The post-war European experience had proven to the Rockefeller forces and their faction within the CIA, and to most of the British Military Establishment, that economic warfare subsumed within a Reesian psywar profile and concerted with other mass persuasion techniques was likely the most effective, not to mention ecological, form of war. Unfortunately, for these planners, such techniques could not be taken to their logical extension in Europe at the time. Attempts at full control would have undoubtedly met with serious resistance from the working class, psychologically blasted as it was, and probably from the Soviet Union. Thus, in the 1950's most of the Tavistock field agents returned to England when they wrote up their remits of the psychological capacities of the Eastern Bloc for the CIA think tank. the RAND Corporation  and began testing their methods on the British labor movement. 
The dynamic of Reesian control techniques was in no way blunted after the war, but the location of their area of operations was shifted to an area more politically suited to their implementation in full. War, even psywar, is incompetent if it is not aiming for complete victory over the enemy. While such victories could not be had in Europe immediately, the weakness of the working class and the indecisive position of the Soviets in Southeast Asia and Africa provided ample opportunity for real victories over the working class. Such victories demanded not only the destruction of the morale of the
workers, but also the development of new forms capable of sustaining that level of psychological manipulation for the CIA and Rockefeller.
It is probable that the decision to use Malaya as the first test case for an advanced Reesian operation was made during the last months of the war. By that point it was obvious that nothing could stop the strike wave of the overwhelmingly pro-communist Malayan labor movement that did indeed sweep the peninsula after 1945. It was equally clear that any attempt to maintain Malaya as a colony would drive the Malayan bourgeoisie into the popular front against the British, and would hand the peninsula, and the militarily crucial Straits of Malacca that it controlled, over to the Soviet Union. The workers, not actually the Malayan CP armed cadres, were the problem. These armed guerrillas were already under the control of British Intelligence, so it was more a matter of utilizing the CPM to unwittingly blunt the strike wave and to build a CIA-controlled Reesian government.
Malaya was actually an easy operation. The Colonial Police's intelligence section, the Special branch (which reported not only to the colonial commissioner but also to the head of the Security Service, MI-5 in London), had been highly active since the 1920's. Special Branch infiltration of the left was so successful by 1930 that the Comintern representative to the area was picked up after only a month of activity, along with all of his top trade union contacts.  When the Japanese attacked in December, 1941, it was the British Special Branch that proposed to the CPM leadership that they prepare for armed struggle. The entire military leadership of the CPM'S Malayan Peoples' Anti-Japanese Army was trained at Special Training School No. 101, commanded by two officers from the Special Operations Executive. Many of the-communist guerrilla units in the field were also commanded by British officers of Force 136, the Southeast Asian division of the SOE. 
In addition, the Japanese Occupation Forces continued this process of infiltration. It was Standard Operating procedure for the Special Techniques section of the Security Operations division of the Japanese Army to set up Hsueh-chu-Hui (Cooperation and Assistance Society) in occupied zones. "The organizational and operational principles of the society were very closely patterned after the work of the Communist Party'' , and the societies were usually successful in penetrating the CP's urban underground apparatus. It is likely that, with the capture of extensive documentation of the Japanese network by the Allies, British Intelligence simply continued to utilize the apparat, as the Allies did with Nazi intelligence officer Gehlen's organization.
No historian has yet come up with a coherent analysis
of why or how the CPM decided upon the suicidal course of guerrilla warfare in 1948, but we suggest that more input into that decision came from Lord Mountbatten's intelligence division than from the Chinese or Soviet CP's. In addition to controlling the vast British Intelligence network, within the Malayan movement, Mountbatten was responsible for making sure that the wartime guerrilla units were hopelessly under-supplied. However, in the last months of the war the units were deluged with weapons supply drops, in spite of the fact that Japan was about to surrender. The guerrillas, finally well-armed, never were able to engage the Japanese significantly , and found themselves confronting only the British.
After the post-war strike wave was brutally crushed by British forces, the CPM was easily manipulated into beginning guerrilla fighting. Though an official state of emergency was declared in 1948, the British response to the fighting was notoriously light until the High, Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney, was assassinated under suspicious circumstances. Not so strangely, Gurney's death was timed to occur with Churchill's re-election in October, 1951. Provided with an excuse for a hard line, Churchill ordered the unification of civil and military control of Malaya under General Sir Gerald Templar, the former Vice Chief of the General Staff.
With Templar's arrival, the war, if it can be technically called that, was over. Then the Reesian test phase began. Rees' techniques for food control, selection, and resettlement were implemented with a vengeance. The rice crop was destroyed, and "food cans were even punctured-''  Food was stored by the government and dispensed only at community kitchens. "This technique of community cooking as a control mechanism was based on the fact that cooked rice spoils in twenty-four hours in the tropical environment and thus could not be stored for any period of time.''(47) Reeling from this quick descent into near starvation, Malayans were told that it was the fault of the guerrillas, but that they could obtain food by resettling to a system of "New Villages'' that the government had set up. Over 500,000 Malayans (one-tenth of the population) were resettled, sometimes by force, to the New Villages, but it is obvious that the program was more aimed at the additional 650,000 rubber workers and tin miners who were also resettled. 
While the New Villages were nominally under Templar, their functioning was controlled by Templar's Director of Intelligence, John Morton, formerly of MI-5, arid the head of his Information Department, A.D. Peterson. Peterson had been a colleague of Enoch Powell while he was the psywar specialist for Mountbatten's intelligence section. It is likely that by that time they both met Rees, who had himself spent early 1945 ad- vising Mountbatten on the Burma operation.  Mor-
ton's job, as he himself saw it, was ''bringing the nationalist movement to the fore."  Morton and Peterson used the Villages to profile the population, and select out the future Malaysian Government and Civil Service.
If our discussion tends to leave out the role of the guerrilla movement itself, it is because their "independent" effect on the development of the new Malaysian Government was in fact minimal. Though they did manage to kill off about 1,900 police and soldiers in twelve years, their more heinous alleged crimes like destruction of crops, slashing rubber trees, and assassinations of civilians, were more likely done by the Special Branch. In addition to the guerrillas' being well-penetrated by the pre-war and wartime apparat, Morton and Peterson selected lively candidates from the New Village and POW camps to form a Special Operational Volunteer Force, which they used to even further infiltrate their network.
The infiltration was so deep that "by 1957 Special Branch had a dossier on almost [every? - not in PDF version] individual guerrilla who was left.''  The guerrillas of Malaya were never beaten, they were allowed to slink back into the jungle. Unfortunately, the pitiful puppet show goes on to this day, as the guerrillas are occasionally trotted out to perform some meaningless act of terrorism. They are of the most use when it is necessary to exacerbate racial tensions. SOE had made sure in 1941 that they trained only communists from Malaya's Chinese minority, and the CPM was never able to organize its way out of that situation.
The unified command form of government, which was set up even on the state and district level, was phased over to selected and British-trained, anti-communist Malays who maintained the system intact. Even the food control system was maintained under the new title emergency Food Denial Organization,'' administered
by the Malayan Ministry of Defense and Internal Security. The New Villages, of course, became the basis for the new, ''independent'' Malayan economy.
The problem of Kenya proved to be more difficult for the Rees-trained counterinsurgents of the British Army. Strike activity in Nairobi in the early 1950's and the possibility of its link-up with the ugly mood of the adjacent, pro-independence Kikuyu tribesmen had demanded action by 1953. While it is unlikely that the so-called Mau Emergency would have led to a socialist revolution, capitalist planners had determined that if any colonial looting ground was to be independent, its freedom would definitely be conducive to maintained accumulation. Food control and resettlement - called "villagization" in Kenya - was viciously administered this time by practitioners who had learned
the methods from the Reesian masters in the German occupation.
The military commander who implemented the techniques, General Sir George Erskine, had been deputy Chief of Staff on the Control Commission for Germany, responsible for civilian food distribution, and, possibly, Rees' center at Bad Oeyenhausen. The officer in charge of Nairobi area Special Branch forces and covert operations was Captain Frank Kitson, who had also served in the German Occupation as an Intelligence officer.
Kitson found that, for reason of the recent origins of the insurrectionary movement, there had been no opportunities for infiltration as in Malaya. This he solved by taking Morton and Peter son's minor innovation, the Special Operations Volunteer Force, and, expanding it, he built a parallel guerrilla infrastructure from the ground up.  Selecting out ''volunteers'' from the resettlement labor camps and the internment camps for Mau suspects, Kitson dotted the region with his own network of training centers. There are indications that Kitson's "revolutionaries'' were better organized than the actual insurgents. Within less than a year, the "counter-gangs'' - as Kitson called his network - had penetrated the insurgents' infrastructure so deeply that Kitson's men were leading relatively large Mau units.
The fact that official histories of the Emergency credit the final defeat of the insurrection to "Operation Anvil," a silly maneuver in which the RAF aimlessly bombed the huge Kikuyu Forest hoping to drive hiding insurgents into soldiers at the forest's perimeter, only indicates that Kitson's efforts were being down-played by decision. The rebellion was more likely broken by the total psychological collapse of Mau cadre under Kitson's onslaught.
After his counter-gangs had penetrated the Mau, Kitson would occasionally pull out some of his cadre and a few of his professional informers. dress them in hoods and long white robes, then clear out an entire village and force them to march past his "hooded men'' who would select Mau suspects. While the Japanese and others had used the "hooded man'' technique defensively years before, Kitson, with his long, ominous line of spooks, used it to bluntly impress the population with the fact that their underground was hardly secret to the British. When it became obvious to every Mau Mau cadre that there was a good possibility that he might be the only one who was not an infiltrated, the movement collapsed. As the Mau Mau disintegrated, Jomo Kenyatta, a more malleable leader of the anti-colonial movement, was given a timely release from a British jail.
Years later, with a cuteness typical of the "old boys'' at CIA Covert Operations, "De Mau Mau'' would be the
name of one of the counter-gangs operating against U.S. ghetto populations, and two of the CIA's biggest black operators would have their names changed to Muhamed Kenyatta and Charles 37X Kenyatta. 
By the late 1960's there could have been no question in the minds of Rockefeller's CIA planners that food control, resettlement, and counter-gang organizing would be the primary weapons against the working class and their potential allies in the Eastern Bloc. At the beginning of that decade, the primary thrust was toward enlarging that capability so as to be ready for the final, inevitable battle with the working class and the Soviet Union. Though the U.S. military had been engaged in covert operations since the war, and the CIA itself had built up a formidable covert para-military network, it was obvious that the whole U.S. Armed Forces had to be upgraded to perform Reesian operations on the level of the CIA and the British Army, if the class war were to be dally resolved.
Valiant attempts were made to turn the crude counterinsurgency action in Vietnam into a mature Reesian operation. It is clear that the CIA planners had believed that a simple puppet Diem government combined with counter-gang organizing among Meo tribesmen, etc. by the ClA-controlled Special Forces would suffice. But, by 1961, such small-scale measures could not cope with an unbroken working class, an un-infiltrated guerrilla army. and support from the Chinese and Soviets, however half-hearted. The Rockefeller wing of the CIA brought in Sir Robert Thompson, who had served in the Malayan operation, to plead for food control and resettlement.  If the Strategic Hamlets - as Thompson had renamed the resettlement camps -
were implemented wisely, and backed up by food control, then the Vietnamese farmers, and later the workers could be psychologically smashed, and the Hamlets could become the basis of a new government to replace the ineffectual Diem regime.
Though the Pentagon did agree to the massive use of chemical defoliants to destroy the South Vietnamese rice crop to complement the formation of the hamlets in 1961-62, the strategy was not seen as more than defensive by President Kennedy and the old school Pentagon faction. Kennedy, in fact, would never internalize that the true nature of "counter-gang'' organizing was that such manipulated formations could actually become the government. It was only after the President's death that the U.S. military would begin gearing up for Reesian capability.
To follow up the growing interest in Reesian war after Thompson's intervention, the CIA brought a team of British counterinsurgents to the U.S. in 1962 for as barn-storming recruitment tour of military circles. At an important symposium on counterinsurgency set up by the CIA think-tank RAND Corporation in 1962, the new style of warfare was pushed by counter-gangster Kitson himself, and it is reported that there was enthusiastic response, especially from the Americans. 
To counteract the cost-minded bureaucratic faction of the Pentagon beginning to coalesce around Robert McNamara, the British team included Colonel Shireley, the head of the Operations research Section during the Malayan Emergency, who stressed that such warfare was the only effective "long-haul, low-cost'' strategy.  The Operations Research line that there should be a unified "systems analysis'' approach to warfare - that the mili-
tary should be prepared to govern as well as fight, as the Reesians suggested - would within a year be taken up by Tavistock directly. In 1963, the Operations Research Society of Britain, of which most military OR men like Shireley were members, merged with the Tavistock Institute to form the Institute for Operational Research.
While it will not be necessary here to detail the further takeover of the U.S. military by the Rockefeller-Rees forces (See Cuskie), by 1967, the CIA had gained enough support to openly suggest that the Southeast Asia situation, if it could not be won. could be the testing ground for an American Army prepared for class struggle. The cabal's position was most bluntly put forward in a 1967 proposal to the Department of Defense by a lesser- known CIA braintrust, the American Institute of Research which claimed:
The potential applicability of the findings in the United States will also receive special attention. In many of our key domestic programs, especially those directed at disadvantaged subcultures, the methodological problems are similar to those described in this proposal; and the application of the Thai findings [which included the demand for extensive use of food control and resettlement - M.M.] at home constitutes a potentially more significant project contribution. 
IV. Low Intensity Operations and What to Do About Them
At the beginning of the present decade, it had become unquestionable to the Rockefeller Cabal that the troops, many now well-schooled in counterinsurgency techniques, would have to be brought home. Throughout the second half of the 1960's, such a contingency had been built throughout the advanced capitalist sector, with the velocity of its implementation increasing with capitalists' awareness of the magnitudes of the present breakdown crisis. In the United States, the ClA-founded Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) took over the brainwashing network that the CIA had set up in the nation's prisons a few years earlier to destroy the black movement. The LEAA used this network as the basis for the creation of a number of large counter-gangs, both black and white, right and left. The LEAA also took responsibility for rationalizing and reshaping urban police departments to make them capable of using the sophisticated techniques that had been laboriously tested in Vietnam.
In the United Kingdom, the Home Office provided a similar function. In italy, the ClA-controlled Psychological Warfare Division of the Italian Army works
directly with one of the largest counter-gangs in existence, the fascist MSI.
By our estimation, every "underground'' terrorist group in the world is either a counter-gang or so infiltrated by operatives and psychologically manipulated victims that it is - except in the case of individual members - impossible to make the distinction. Such a depth of penetration is demanded by a depression.
Firstly, in a period when it is certain that workers will be seeking out radicals both left and right, the cabal has made sure that those workers will have to run a gamut of counter-gangs who will take the most weak-willed and siphon them off into suicidal terrorism, nationalism, and clean-trade-unionism. Secondly, it is necessary that some of these gangs become large enough to be used on the world strategic level against the working class and against the Soviet Union.
Even the Soviets have fallen into supporting blatant counter-gang formations like the notorious Black September guerrillas, whose existence was developed to out-fox them-in the Mid-East. Another counter-gang, the provisional IRA, set up by Kitson himself, is still being used for last-minute training of British troops that will be shortly vised on their homeland, and the situation has gotten so unwieldy that security forces cannot help but occasionally shoot British soldiers assigned to counter-gang duty. 
But even the counter-gang's utility in manipulating world politics and in ensnaring potential class leaders is insufficient to prevent serious working-class opposition to the demands of capitalism in its final depression. That is made quite clear by Frank Kitson, the Reesian lieutenant who has now made his way to brigadier and a position as the top counterinsurgent in the British General Staff. Low Intensity Operations, Kitson's 1971 extended memorandum to the military officers of the cabal that he helped recruit over the last two decades, demands that armies prepare for the only war that is left, the world revolution.  The only armies that are so prepared are those capable of "stability operations'' - Kitson's bland military term for military dictatorship. In the Kitson memo, the Rees-Rockefeller forces call upon the military for the last-minute re-tooling in preparation for rule, suggesting that now armies must quickly muster the capability to run vital services, such as sewerage and transportation, without the aid of civilian authorities,'' in periods when such authorities are "unable or unwilling to provide them.''  Kitson leaves the dubious legal point of who is supposed to decide when duly elected or appointed civil authorities are ''unwilling," up to the barren imaginations of his fellow Reesian officers.
The counter-gangs must now become the Reesian "shock troops," the "mobile teams who are free
to ... make contact with the local situation." "Counter-organization is the putting over to the public by action rather than by propaganda, the views of the government. For this purpose individuals can be sent amongst the community for the purpose of doing work which did help to remove sources of grievance and at the same time making contact with the people.''  "Serve the people"? Once such counter-organizations are established "on similar lines to those established by the enemy" and have gotten "right under the skin of the population," then, after the army has moved in, they will have provided "a framework which helped engender a feeling of security and commitment amongst the population which in turn encouraged them to give information.'' 
The counter-gang can only be a holding action in a revolutionary period, even if it has some offensive capabilities, as Kitson insists it must. Kitson's point has been already proven in the field when two counter-gang formations, Baraka's Kawaida organization and the Beni Zakeem of Brooklyn, attempted to move offensively on the Labor Committees and were counter-attacked so successfully that they had to be sacrificed by higher authorities. The counter-organization network, even when assisted by the CIA's LEAA hit squads like STRESS and the Tactical Squads of urban police departments, can only prepare the path for stability operations troops prepared to cement rule with, of course, ''food control and resettlement schemes'' which are the "primary non-military means of harming the enemy.'' 
After the stability forces, which must have full psychological warfare capability, have herded the population into the resettlement camps under threat of starvation, then Reesian selection can go on unimpeded and in full, society can be rebuilt as the rationally selected citizenry are placed into their proper roles, and can take over from the military who have minimally maintained vital services for the duration of the transition. From the psychologically manipulated environment of the camps there can be selected the informers to keep camp security, the guards, the workers who must be worked to death, and those who will be brainwashed. But capitalist rationality in a period of depression demands that the entire process of psychological manipulation, brainwashing, and selection become no more than sophisticated version of the medical team at the gate of Auschwitz who sent the able- bodied to tile left and the doomed to the right.
Kitson's plans significantly leave out how his special units will actually defeat the lighting potential of the working class. In spite of massive infiltration of the labor movement and the collusion of labor leaders in the broad implementation of coercive techniques in plants, how
will it be possible to believe as Rockefeller does that the imminent presence of soldiers in the streets of Britain will not finally warn the workers, of the Continent and North America that they must prepare for the fight?
These special forces and their counter-gangs are prepared to give a limited tight, but is finally Reesian psywar which has become the means of class war. The movements of the Rockefeller forces on a daily basis have brought this conclusively home. Rees himself claims that his only publicly acknowledged original contribution to the psychiatry of war - or the psychiatric war - was that of ''battle inoculation." 
Rees found that in the First War, training was limited to teaching a soldier to shoot straight, march in line, and follow orders. When such trainees were thrust into the horror of battle, many broke down. In the early part of the Second World War, army psychiatrists tried to counteract this by making maneuvers as realistic as possible, using blood and offal from local butcher shops, plenty of explosives, etc. Unfortunately, recruits tended to be as traumatized by the maneuvers as by real battles. Rees realized that the incidence of battle trauma could be reduced by a series of maneuvers, accompanied by training films, in which there was a "gradual introduction of unpleasant things.'' Using the massive economic forces that the Rockefeller cabal can muster, they are similarly ''inoculating'' the working class to food control and resettlement schemes.
Phony shortage upon phony shortage, in addition to providing the excuse for cutting back unprofitable production, has been used to bring areas of the world to critical low points in their food and fuel supplies. Then add a transparent counter-gang like Mike Parkhurst's independent truckers and an engineered shutdown of transport, and you have the National Guard bringing in the food and fuel, as happened in Pennsylvania and the South. In San Francisco, a group of obvious brainwash victims, the Symbionese Liberation Army, have made food distribution centers commonplace in the ghetto.
Sabre-rattling by Rockefeller man Kissinger and by the ClA-sympathizers at the Pentagon, in addition to being aimed at the Soviets, provides the excuse for "civil defense'' hysteria. Already, Secretary of Defense Schlesinger has suggested that by June there should be a civil defense test in which the "non-essential personnel'' of seven large American cities will be resettled for a short period in safe spots in the country. The two English towns of Corby and Hull were recently turned into Northern Irish towns as troops took over the streets for counterinsurgency maneuvers without notifying the citizens or the local authorities. Calculated layoff patterns are creating bands of unemployed "refugees" not unlike the "Oakies" of the Thirties, but in this period,
they are being offered jobs if they resettle to the Rockefeller-controlled work camps of the Athabasca oil fields.
The working class has already sustained a series of the most rotten set-ups in which they have experienced food control, resettlement, and the presence of military or para-military forces controlling the streets. Some tactics, like the oil hoax, are now being tried again - recycled - in some parts of the world. Yet most workers cannot see the coherence of this series, and are experiencing only the horrible, vague feeling that "something must be wrong." This is because the manipulations are being administered in the same way that Rees used Bion's group therapy.
Generally, the manipulations are not administered in a linear progression, but in a cyclical fashion such that one section of workers will experience layoffs while another will wait in long lines for rationed gas. The worker's bourgeois ego blinds him from seeing the attack on another section of the class as an attack on himself.
These manipulated events remain "natural'' and unconnected - that is, magical - even though some of them are shaping his behavior. Basing their strategy on this weakness in the class, the Rees-Rockefeller forces are aiming for the cumulative effect. Like the empiricist quack manipulators of group therapy, the Rockefeller forces have built up, through their counter-gangs and financial deals, a fairly set repertoire of hoaxes, terrorist attacks, phony strikes, etc. Computer-assisted, they run through the repertoire, altering the progression, velocity, and form slightly in accordance with the ideological a differences in the class that they have studied for so long.
The class is faced with the situation in which world events are designed for effect, in which large radical and some trade unions are led by zombies or groups an dupes, and in which many of the operators in the field are themselves unaware of their shaped motivation, or of how they fit in the overall effect. In such a world the criterion for insanity is to say that reality is what it appears to be.
The Labor Committees will continue to shine the light on this covert network of vampires because once the coherence in detail of a section of this psywar program is exposed it tends to lose its effect on workers. It is actually a race against time, whether we can build the forces to take out key sections of this network, before the network destroys through this program the creativity necessary to lead a revolutionary fight against these forces. The vampire image is doubly apt, for the psychological significance of the vampire legend is that the vampire feeds upon the rottenness of the victim (e.g., the failure to wear a crucifix, say prayers regularly, etc.).
For psychopath Rees there was no positive significance to his psywar program, outside of a hysterical desire to
maintain capitalists' property titles for them. The Reesian theory or war is predicated on the weakness of the working class. "The post-war malcontents," says Rees, in the seminal Shaping ..., "may well be written down as infected by subversive influence, as communists or what-not, unless we are able to demonstrate that they are men who have been unwisely handled and who are reacting like rebellious and difficult children.''  The statement is partially a cover. The nature of Reesian control is "motherly,'' but what Mother Rees does not mention is that, if workers refuse to be treated like children, his psywar program is designed to viciously drive them back into infantilism, many at the cost of their minds.
It is clear from an analysis of the work of key Tavistock personnel, and collaterally, from the modus operandi of the Tavistock network and the CIA, that fertilization - officially, the theory of anal sadism - is at the basis of the psywar strategy.
Rees' intellectual troubleshooter, H.V. Dicks, informs us that the first big discussion paper at the "invisible college'' was his own "Anal Sadistic Basis of Our Culture,'' and that his became the basis for the work in the German ideology and for the selection of Germans.  Only hints are given about the full theory in Dicks' writings, as he writes concerning his role in UNRRA, as the chief psychological profile specialist for the CIA's RAND Corporation. Only in 1972 do we get a coherent picture in Dicks' Licensed Mass Murder, a study of mass killers of the Nazi SS. As in the case of Kitson's final book, there is no time to banter, and there is only a minimal cover on what must be done. The book is a "how to" text. The Columbus Centre at the University of Sussex in England, under whose aegis the piece is written, is an open Tavistock-front organization. The Centre has only one line of work; it publishes "Studies in the Dynamics of Persecution and Extermination." 
Both Rees and Dicks marvelled at the level of control that the Nazis held over the German population, and the Nazis' purblind understanding of psychological operations. As an example, Rees in 1945 pointed to Germany's "elaborate selection techniques, out of which grew the still wider department of psychological warfare. However disastrous the ultimate aim and purpose of this work in Germany, there is no question that it was thorough and effective, though lacking in some of the more imaginative and insightful aspects of work in our own countries."  It was Dicks whom Rees assigned to discover the origins of such developments in the phylogeny of the German ideology.
The general theory coming from the studies Dicks believed was applicable, with variation, to all European, Russian, and North American cultures. Blocked from
seeing love as the infant's growing perception and under- standing of social relations around it, Dicks cannot see how the infantile ego is capable of overcoming its preoccupation with object possession.  The infant lives in a state of "primitive greed'' which is "coupled [with] typical resentment against the originators of the frustration [denial of objects - M.M.] that had to be internalized as 'bad, anti-libidinal objects.'''  For the child, "excrement becomes the symbol of all the badness and hate taken inside as oral privation, just at the stage of toilet training and acquisiton of muscular control over the anus and so over the faeces can become the setting for rebellion against the depriving, punishing authority figure, internalized as well as outside."  The child becomes an anal sadist, both excreting upon his enemies, and terrified of the "badness'' inside him. Since adulthood is, more or less, a veneer for Dicks, regression into this infantile state can be caused by "stressful circumstances resembling or evoking strong emotive associations with the early object-relations.'' 
Dicks found that the Nazi ideology tended to appeal to those egos that had been most weakened and terrified by hunger (such as in the horrible period of privation after the First World War) and disruption of the home (with many fathers away at the front or dead).
As is well-known, the period of Nazification was not abrupt, but was a de facto process of inoculation which simultaneously exacerbated these fears while getting the Germans used to Schachtian policies. The Nazis actually selected the weakest of these egos for the elite SS, in which they were consciously inoculated on the basis of an intense form of sadistic mothering (recruits were forced to watch and implement progressively more brutal tortures and publicly humiliated if they flinched; alternatively, their trainers would offer them beer and camaraderie, etc.). The product, especially in the SS who made up the concentration camp guards, was mother's little men'' ("I was only a little cog." "I was only following orders.'' "I did not pull the trigger, I only drove the truck."). The Reesian "beauty" of Nazi propaganda was that it portrayed Jews and Eastern Europeans
as rats, as the shit that the Nazis themselves much feared. In the extreme form, SS camp guards obsessively tried to destroy the rats, the shits, the useless mouths to feed'' confined in the camps.
That Dicks had convinced capitalist planners that this theory should be the basis of post-war psychological warfare is demonstrated by the operations of the Occupation Forces and UNRRA which Dicks and Tavistock advised. The essence of SHAEF propaganda in occupied Germany was that Germans would starve to feed the Jews and Eastern Europeans. One SHAEF propaganda drive impressed Germans with the fact that the refugees were ten to twenty pounds heavier than the starving Germans. "Your body is disappearing. It is turning into shit. You are turning into shit." From this studied intensification of all the psychological horrors of the Third Reich, plus the profiling and manipulation of many of the new leaders at the Selection Centre, the creative revolutionary potential of the German working class was not expected to survive.
Similarly, the forced resettlement and food control conducted by the Rees/Dicks-advised UNRRA not only provided a clinical laboratory to test different national- ities' ability to withstand infantilization, but also insured that the coming generation of Greeks, Ukranians, et al. would grow up with the experience of extreme childhood deprivation and uncertainty.
The Rees-Rockefeller program calls for the reduction of the advanced capitalist sector to the state approximating that in Greece and Italy after the war by exploiting every form of infantilism that the working class retains. Look at italy, where CIA neo-fascists are openly touting that they will destroy the country's political parties around the divorce referendum and defy the left to overcome its mother domination and stop the move. [Either - not in PDF version] we build a self-conscious intellectual renaissance and organize the working class out of its childish individualism, or we are permanently reduced to infants emulating the sadism of the Reesian Woman who tells us where to resettle and gives us our food.
1. Rees, J ., The shaping of Psychiatry By war, New York. 1945, p. 81.
2. See Cuskie, Freeman, and Marcus in this issue. The tactical deployment of the Tavistock-Rockefeller forces, along with marching orders to our growing working class forces to take out these targets, can be obtained from New Solidarity, the NCLC press, on an on-going basis.
3. Reed, op. cit., p. 43.
4. Ibid., p. 45.
5. Gramsci, Antonio, ''Americanism and Fordism'' in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, New York, 1971, p. 302-303. While Gramsci avoided the difficult question of Freudís contribution, he "instinctually" suspected the use of the new science at the hands of the capitalists, and noted it as one of the problems facing the working class; "psychoanalysis and its enormous diffusion since the war, as the expression of the increased moral coercion exercized by the apparatus of the State and society on single individuals, and of the pathological crisis determined by this coersion,'' p. 280.
6. Menzel, C. ''After the Ludlow Massacre,'' New Solidarity, March 27, 1974, p. 4 and April 10, 1974, p. 4. Covers the Rockefeller family's early relationship with Rees and the mental health movement and Ree's formation of the World Federation of Mental Health.
7. Rees, op. cit, p. 133.
8. Ibid., p. 62.
9. Ibid., p. 120.
10. See The Campaigner, Vol. 7, No. 4-5 (February-March 1974), particularly the articles by Marcus, White and Menzel, for a discussion of the clinical aspects of brainwashing.
11. Dicks, H.V., Fifty Years at Tavistock, London, 1970, p. 63.
12. Ibid. p. 145.
13. see L. Marcus's papers on the New Psychoanalysis published In The Campaigner, September-October 1973, November, 1973, December, 1973, and January, 1974.
14. Rees, op. cit., p. 52.
15. Rees, J. Reflections, New York. 1966, pp. 41-42.
16. Dicks, op. cit., p. 99.
17. Rees, Reflections, p. 45.
18. Rees, Shaping, p. 61.
19. Wllson, A.T.M., et al., Transitional Communities and Social Reconnection: A
Study of Civil Resettlement of British Prisoners of War," in Readings in Social
Psychology, New York, 1952, p. 561-581.
20. Rees, J. ( ed.), The Case of Rudolph Hess, London, 1947, Introduction.
21. Hints of this can be found in Dlcks' discussion of his work in ''Personality traits and National Socialist ideology,'' Human Relations, 3 ( 1950) p. 111-154.
22. Dicks, Fifty Years, p. 110.
23. Rees, Shaping, p. 136.
24. Rees, Reflections, passim. In the Reesian view, power over social formations can be maintained by controlling a select number of key ''co-operators.'' See the lengthy discussions of ''rumor control'' by many Tavistockians in early post-war issues of Human Relations and Public Opinion Quarterly.
25. Rees, Shaping, p. 83.
24. Rees, Reflections, passim. See also the cited Menzel articles on the WFMH in New Solidarity.
27. See Note 10.
28. Morgenthau, Henry, Germany Is Our Problem, New York, 1945, passim. U.S.
Senate Committee on Military Affairs. ''A Program for German Economic and
Industrial Dlsarmament," subcommittee on War Mobilization Monograph No. 6, Aprll, 1946, passim.
29. Adequate for the story of the dumping of the Morganthau Plan is Kolko, G.
Politics of War, New York, 1968, passim. Collaterally refer to James Forrestal's Diaries (edited by Walter Millis), New York, 1951.
30. Marcus, L. ''United States of Europe: Their Program and Ours," The Campaigner, Vol. 5, No. 4 ( Fall, 1972) and Syvriotis, N., ''The Self-Cannibalization of Europe," The Campaigner, Vol. 5, No. 3, ( Summer 1972).
31. Quoted in Proudfoot, M. European Refugees: 1939-52, Evanston, Ill., 1956, p. 162.
32. Ibid., p. 174.
33. Quoted in Kolko, The Politics of War, p. 259.
34. Rees, Shaping, p. 105.
35. Lerner, D., Sykewar, 1949. See also Cuskie in this issue.
36. Hauser, R. and H., Fraternal Society, New York, 1963, pp. 192-196.
37. Rees, Shaping, p. 153.
38. Rees remained a close advisor to the United Nations High Commissioner on Refugees, and ran a convention on that subject in Vienna in 1959. Refer to Michael Klare's War Without End, New York, 1972, for a discussion of the CIA's use of refugees.
39. Kolko, op. cit., p. 259.
40. Dicks himself led the exodus to RAND. In 1950, he took leave from Tavistock for a special assignment with RAND and a notorious RAND sub-contractor, Harvard University's Social Relations Department (which, incidentally, was founded by Dr. Alan Gregg, the Rockefeller Foundation's Chief Medical Officer and Rockefeller's liaison man with Tavistock) . A ''laundered'' version of Dicks; psychological profile work for RAND can be found in his ''Observations on Contemporary Russian Behavior'' Human Relations, 5 ( 1952), pp. 111-175.
41. In addition to Freeman (this issue), Tavistock's early post-war deployment in industry can be reconstructed from Jacques, E. The Changing Culture of a Factory, London, 1951, and Trist, E., and Bamborth, K., ''Some Soclal and Psychological Consequences of the Longwall Method of Coal-getting,'' Human Relations, 4 (1951), pp. 3-38.
42. Hanrahan, G.Z., The Communist Struggle in Malaya, New York, 1954, p. 12-13.
43. Komer, R., The Malayan Emergency In Retrospect: Organization of a
Successful Counterinsurgency Effort, RAND Report R-957-ARPA February, 1972, p. 3.
44. Lee, Chong-Sik, Counterinsurgency in Manchuria: The Japanese Experience
1931-40, RAND Corporation Memorandum RM-5012-ARPA, January, 1967. p. 13-15.
45. Komer, loc. cit.
46. Ibid., p. 58.
47. Ibid., p. 60.
48. Ibid., p. 56. See also Pelzer, K., Resettlement in Malaya,'' Yale Review Spring, 1952, pp. 392-404.
49. Rees, Reflections, p. 45.
50. Komer, op. cit., p. 64.
51. Ibid., p. 45.
52. Kitson, F. Gangs and Countergangs, London, 1960, passim.
53. Rockefeller's Mau Mau, made up primarily of brainwashed black Vietnam veterans, has already been exposed in the Labor Committee fact sheet, ''CIA Youth Strategy," and in numerous New Solidarity articles. Their latest claim to fame was an attempted defense of the Rees-created Imamu Baraka, which led to the destruction of their Boston branch at the hands of the NCLC. Charles 37X Kenyatta, the ''unsuccessful'' bodyguard of Malcolm X and presently a confidant of Nelson Rockefeller, and Muhamed Kenyatta of Eric Trist's Philadelphia network, are also part of this CIA anti-ghetto youth strategy.
54. Hilsman, R., To Move a Nation, New York, 1968, passim.
55. Kitson, F., Low Intensity Operations, Harrisburg, Pa., 1971, p. 73.
56. After the 1961 symposium, RAN D began an extensive study of the British experience. Komer, op. cit., is one of the few that is unclassified, and opens with a polemic for ''long haul, low-cost'' approach.
57. Quoted by James Holland in his paper presented at the Second International Seminar on Behavior Modification ( Mexico City, 197 1 ) .
58. ''Royal Ulster Constabulary Exposes Real IRA," New Solidarity March 25, 1974, and Chris White's ''CIA 'Strellas' Strike," New Solidarity, April 1, 1974. White's full expose of the IRA as countergang is forthcoming.
59. Kitson, Low Intensity Operations, passim .
60. Ibid., p. 187.
61. Ibid., p. 79.
62. Ibid p. 80.
63. Ibid., p. 166.
64. Rees, Shaping, p. 81 .
65. Ibid., p. 136.
66. Dicks, Fifty Years. p. 99.
67. The Columbus Center's credentials include the Who's Who of Anglo-Amerlcan fascism. Its funders include members of the old ''Clivedon Set'' who previously backed British fascist Moseley, the J .M. Kaplan Fund, a known CIA conduit, Unilever Corporation, the first corporation to use Reesian selection, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the American Jewish Committee. The Centre itself is run by its advisory committee which includes Harold Lever Marie Jahoda, J.D. Sutherland, A.T.M. Wilson, and Eric Trist, all of the Tavistock hierarchy.
68. Rees, Shaping, p. 34.
69. See Note 13.
70. Dicks, H.V., Licensed Mass Murder, New York, 1972, p. 174.
71. I bid., p. 174.
72. Ibid., p. 29.
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