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Jews With Hot Money


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Israeli Mafia operating in California have helped remove the shroud of fantasy that has long surrounded the subject of Israel in the minds of the American population. Because of the extraordinary pressures and blackmail tactics of the leadership of the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith in all walks of American political and cultural life, the seamy underside of Zionist-Israeli politics has been held back from the public purview. As a result, this seamy underside has never been held up to the light of day, and it has consequently grown to alarming proportions over the past several years.

One contributing factor to the recently evident process of demystification was the release in late 1978 of the book Dope, Inc. This book elaborated in great detail the role of the Zionist mob--the Bronfmans, Roy Cohn of New York, Max Fisher of Detroit and United Brands, and others--in the overall British-run international dope-trafficking cartel. Not surprisingly, the book drew outraged screams of “anti-Semitic” from the ADL and its minions. Also not surprisingly, the book rapidly rose to bestseller status.

Dope, Inc. did more than just touch a lot of raw nerves. It confirmed the suspicions of many Americans that all was not exactly kosher in the overkill pressure-politics and intimidations of the ADL and its Israeli intelligence friends.

The Israeli Connection

In the past 12 months, three books have been published which respond to the interest and controversy aroused by Dope, Inc.

The best of the three, The Israeli Connection, by French journalist Jacques Derogy of L'Express magazine, is unfortunately the one least readily available to an American audience, since it has only been published in Paris and has not yet been translated into English from the French.

The two others, while readable and engrossing in the flow of their content, are dangerous and virtually criminal in their message---and are undoubtedly being exploited by the ADL as a weapon against Dope, Inc. or any other serious exposé account of the Jewish-Zionist component of international criminal activities. Both The Rise and Fall of the Jewish Gangster in America by Albert Fried and Meyer Lansky: Mogul of the Mob, by Dennis Eisenberg, Uri Dan, and Eli Landau, are designed to run interference for the Dope, Inc. drug cartel.

Derogy, unlike Fried and Lansky's sympathetic biographers, is a journalist motivated by a moral impulse to cleanse Zionism and Israel of the pestilence of drugs and associated criminality. His credentials as a pro-Israeli spokesman are in this respect unimpeachable. He has written or coauthored several books highly sympathetic to Israel (including the recently released The Untold History of Israel) and maintains contacts with the top layers of Israeli intelligence.

Israel: The Extent of Moral Collapse

Derogy is alarmed that Israel is veering way off the course charted by many of the earlier Zionist visionaries, who hoped to see in the Jewish State a special moral reality different from that evidenced in other states. He begins his series of journalist accounts of crime in Israel by wondering aloud whether a linchpin of the Israeli mafia (or the "Kosher Nostra," as it is referred to in the Israeli press), Bezalel Mizrahi, will be admitted next year to Israel's legislative body, the Knesset. From that point on, he leaves an indelible impression in the reader's mind of the extent to which crime has enmeshed Israeli society. Derogy documents how both of the major political parties, Likud and Labour, use gangsters to enforce vote fraud and political hooliganism and how most of the cream of the Israeli political spectrum have associated with and in some cases befriended known mobsters and drug-runners, such as the "godfather" of Israeli organized crime, Mordechai Sarfati (known as Mentesh), and the fugitive from French justice Samuel Flatto-Sharon, who escaped extradition by buying his way into the Knesset.

By the book's conclusion, Derogy is understandably exclaiming: "The Israeli mafia ... is the most alarming symptom of the illness which is mortifying the Jewish State since its creation.... Israel, established on prophetic values of legality and equality is more and more the country of "every man for himself" and of the attitude ‘no faith, no law.’ ... In the Israel of 1980, sick with violence, nests of gangsterism, of common criminality, are multiplying themselves in day-to-day life, headed by a Mafia spread throughout all the cities of Israel.... Israel is today at a crossroads, between war and peace, between adolescence and maturity [and] new winds have to blow!”

Confronting Realities

In developing this account, Derogy takes to task those Zionist pressure groups in Europe and the U.S. who have prevented this story from rising to the surface. "The Jews in France, in particular, have not been prepared to confront these hard and often disagreeable realities of Israeli life," he writes. "When the courageous weekly of Rabbi Jacquot Grunewald, Tribune Juive, independent of the established institutions, wanted to evoke the trail of the Israeli connection of Frankfurt and the extent of the flow of drugs into Israel itself, certain pressures were not lacking in trying to prevent the community press from playing its information role."

An even worse case involves attempts to obstruct clampdowns on activities of the Israeli Mafia in California. As revelations began to mount in the California press in 1979 about the growing activities of this mafia, Derogy reports, the Israeli police representative in the U.S., Michael Buchner, insisted that no such mafia existed. Further: "Of course, the American Jewish community prefers to deny the evidence, out of fear of unleashing a new wave of anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in the U.S. Doing this, it demonstrates the same obstinacy in the policy of the ostrich as in September 1908."

The police chief of New York, Bigenheim, had then revealed that one-half of American gangsters were Jewish. The large Jewish organizations had risen up in virulence against these claims. Today, the situation has only gotten worse. To the Jewish gangsters have been joined their Israeli colleagues, weary, as Buchner himself recognizes, of "negotiating grams of heroin in Israel as long as the U.S. offers them the possibility of negotiating by kilos."

With such bluntness, Derogy performs an important function: he sheds light on a subject kept in the dark by the ADL and its associates. But let the reader be left with one caution: Derogy is fundamentally a muckraker, and not a thoroughgoing analyst; his light is too narrowly focused.

Missing from Derogy's account is the broader picture of international crime operations painted in Dope, Inc., which located Israeli and Zionist operations as largely an "enforcer" aspect of a cartel organized from the top by today's British banking descendants of the old East India Company of the eighteenth century. In the same sense, Derogy's account lacks the sense of profound international top-down organization documented in Dope, Inc. Crime is big business, and the burgeoning Israeli criminal activity reflects the great expansion of operations of such coordinating agencies as Permindex (Permanent International Expositions), the group of extremist-Zionists and ex-Nazis which purportedly ran the assassination of John F. Kennedy and more than a score of assassination attempts against France's Charles de Gaulle.

Crime is the American Dream

But if Derogy's work is a flawed but important contribution, Fried's book is a dangerous fraud written by an expert in the barely sanitized pigsty known as sociology.

As a sociological study, The Rise and Fall of the Jewish Gangster is of the same genre as that rash of 1970s articles and books that portray terrorism as a "sociological phenomenon" in order to manufacture an ideological safe-house for the Red Brigades and the Baader-Meinhof gang.

In Fried's view, crime is "part of society," not a conspiracy coordinated by oligarchic bankers to pervert advancing industrial republics. This point of view leads Fried to certain startling, but lawful, conclusions.

"Morally speaking," Fried asserts, "the aspiring neighborhood vice lord and gangster [of the Lower East Side in the early twentieth century] hardly differed from the aspiring neighborhood capitalist: both accepted the promise assumed to be quintessentially American, that life was a war between competing exploiters for dominion over the exploited dumb passive anonymous."

By the conclusion of the book, this line of thinking develops into a virtual hosanna about the extent to which organized crime and capitalism have achieved a "convergence" into a new "gangster-capitalism." Fried, in his admiration for the "genius" of Meyer Lansky in running dirty-money operations, becomes the social theoretician for the America of the 1980s being created by the drug-pornography mafia. When one reads Fried, the fact that the ADL gave its annual First Amendment Freedoms Award to Hugh Hefner of Playboy Enterprises on Sept. 21 of this year hardly appears shocking.

"Nothing can stop the historic process now underway to bring gangster-businessmen into the mainstream of American capitalism," he crows. "For good or ill Americans no longer regard gambling as a cardinal vice or as a vice at all. Is it too far-fetched to predict that more and more communities, each desperate for new tax revenues, will follow the example of Atlantic City, New Jersey, where a single casino run by Resorts International took in more money in its first year (1978-79) than the four largest Las Vegas casinos took in during that same year--a total of $222 million? Is the country becoming Las Vegasized?"

There's no point in opposing this onslaught, Fried is saying. For America is "embracing [the] vision" of the 1930s-40s Lansky associate Bugsy Siegel, who believed in turning America into one big casino, and then died in gangland warfare for control of the revenues. "His martyrdom was not in vain," Fried writes.

Fried's motivations become yet more suspect when he compulsively denies the existence of substantial Jewish (or Zionist) gangsterism today (the "Fall" component of the title of his book). For Fried, Jewish gangsters are largely a thing of the past: "nary a Jew" is at the top of today's crime syndicates, which are "run by Italians." The only exceptions to this rule, in his view, are Jewish mobster cliques in the Teamsters Union! Given the evidence in Derogy's book alone, this line of argument is ipso facto nonsense.

More Coverup

Lawfully, Fried is hysterically opposed to any conspiracy theory that could be employed to explain how crime is organized. Scattershot attacks against any author who poses the likely existence of a national crime syndicate (Donald Creasey, Hank Messick, and others) are combined with certain astounding (and highly unsociological!) explanations for Jewish crime.

Prohibition, in Fried's view, was a "deus ex machina" that came along in 1920 to preempt the otherwise inevitable breakup of Jewish gangs that was occurring as Jews moved out of the Lower East Side.

This literally magical analysis removes by sleight-of-hand the most clearcut case of how crime is organized conspiratorially, since Prohibition was utilized by the British drug-running banks, operating through Canada, to set up a Jewish-dominated mob in the U.S. that would run alcohol and provide the infrastructure for drug proliferation in the U.S.

By trying to shield the truth of how British racists continually turn to Jews (as one group among others, including also the Chinese) to perform unpleasant dirty operations, Fried, like the ADL, in fact performs the anti-Semite's task of denying Jews the facts with which they can defeat those racists who use Jews for evil. Only the Zionist mobsters and their allies in the ADL's protection racket are the benefactors of such a coverup--not the Jewish citizen of the United States.

Finally, Fried must be taken to task for his paeans to Lansky, who ends up seeming like a clever genius rather than a man whose operations have helped destroy American youth through drug proliferation and drug traffic-related dirty-money operations.

Lansky as Mogul

In this respect, Fried is a kindred spirit to Lansky's biographers in Mogul of the Mob. The whole point of this book, as outlined in the introduction, is to present Lansky's own story, though the appointed mouthpiece of Israeli journalist Uri Dan. The book recounts how Dan was approached by Lansky to present the real picture; reproductions are shown in the book of virtual fan letters Lansky sends to Dan.

Hence, while the book is packed with readable anecdotal material, it is in essence just a publicity stunt so that Lansky can be given a visa to live his last years in Israel. Lansky, in the Dan et al. account, is at bottom no different than the hard-fisted sabra (native-born Israeli) of today's Israeli society.

Lansky fought like a defiant Jew when he grew up in the Lower East Side. Even more, Lansky is a virtual freedom fighter for the dignity of Jews. "When I was young I thought Jews should be treated like other people," Lansky interstates in the book's next-to-last page. "I remembered that young soldier in Grodno who said Jews should stand up and fight. I guess you could say I've come a long way from Grodno and a long way from the Lower East Side, but I still believe him."

'Oppressed Jews'

Lansky, the oppressed Jew born in Poland--how different is he in reality from the Polish-born Menachem Begin? Why such a linkage point becomes plausible is not only because Begin has ties into the Permindex wing of international crime. It also "reads well" to the extent that a paranoid world view takes over the mind of Jews, to the point that life is a never-ending struggle with the "other"--whether it be a life of clever (and bloody) crime or a life of clever and bloody defense of a self-imposed garrison state. The paranoid mapping has gone so far that the Jewish Defense League's Meir Kahane can write an article in the New York Jewish Press (whose attorney is Roy Cohn) demanding that Lansky be granted a visa to Israel, and nary a howl of protest is heard from the Jewish community. When Kahane writes in a follow-up Jewish Press that "the American Jew, more than he knows, is today a believer in large areas of JDL philosophy," do we sense a kernel of truth that allows Dan & Co. to get away with their fraud?

As the reader ponders this question, he should ask a related question: with all their intelligence and police contacts--boasted about in the book's preface and evidenced in the book's content--how do they manage to perpetually dismiss without any serious investigation any of the charges made through the years, and reported in the book, that Lansky is a linchpin of the interstates national drug trade? This coverup too tells us why the book was written. The authors have done Meyer Lansky a favor. One wonders what was their reward.

--Mark Burdman

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